A democratic and strategic anomaly in Indo-German relations

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Germany on May 2 came at a crucial time, shaped by the ongoing Ukraine war. In recent times, New Delhi has been at its vocal best. Even as the United States and European countries have imposed sanctions on Moscow and provided military aid to Ukraine, New Delhi has refused to play ball. It has not only refrained from condemning Moscow from participating in the United Nations (UN) on key votes on the war, but has also continued to engage with Moscow to increase imports of cheap crude. It retains its long standing and traditional defense ties with Russia. Such moves have raised eyebrows and attracted some criticism from the West. New Delhi, however, insists that its position on the war is non-partisan and should be appreciated by its allies and friends.

for a finer stance

However, despite vocal media and conference statements by India’s external affairs minister, there is a growing recognition in India’s strategic circles that New Delhi needs to be more nuanced in its approach with Europe. Given India’s stature, being completely isolated by the West is certainly not the best situation. However, with an outspoken China on the world stage, and especially on the border with India, New Delhi needs to manage a delicate balancing act while asserting its right to pursue strategic autonomy in its national interests and foreign policy. the wanted. The three-nation Europe tour of Mr. Modi (2-4 May) needs to be seen in the context of these factors in the background.

move towards a clear, albeit delayed, integrated response face to face Russia in Europe. Despite its significant reliance on Russian gas and crude, condemnation of Moscow’s moves in Ukraine is close to unanimous in Europe. It is no surprise that India’s absence in the UN votes and its continuing ties with Russia have led to some hacks in Germany. In private and public discussions, India’s role as a major power and largest democracy is being brought to the fore and there is growing expectation that India should shift from its position on Russia and join hands with European countries. need to be mixed. US in defense of democracy in need Between these expectations and pressure tactics, whether the Prime Minister’s visit to Germany helps to change perceptions and bridge the growing gap is of critical importance.

Mr. Modi’s visit took place during the first term of German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. Prior to Mr. Modi’s visit, the Chancellor had visited Japan on his first visit to Asia. It is regarded as a result of Germany’s Indo-Pacific guidelines reaching out to other Asian powers and a sign of building on democratic alliances. These two meetings gave rise to hopes of a democratic dividend among some analysts in Germany, although erroneously, which could lead to a convergence of views and possibly policies on Russia between the two countries. As proved by the Ukraine war, however, New Delhi has chosen to prioritize its own interests in pursuing a policy shaped by the common democratic values ​​that define Germany, Japan and India.

China factor

In fact, for many years, Indian policies have resisted promoting democracy in the neighborhood and instead opted to deal with real powers. Afghanistan, where India is still reluctant to do business with the Taliban, is perhaps an aberration. On the other hand, India’s policy towards the people of Myanmar is defined by this pragmatism. Therefore, the democratic argument of convergence of interests to protect democratic values ​​is hardly a strong bond between India and Germany. To counter the rise of China particularly in the Indo-Pacific, geopolitical convergence appears to be a more imperative need than the ideological and regulatory aspects of protecting democratic norms and values.

connection with Europe

As regards its relations with Europe in general and Germany in particular, New Delhi’s objective is multifaceted. So far, it has not revised its position on Russia and Ukraine, continuing to underscore its unequivocal condemnation of the violence. However, unlike the West, India makes it clear that despite its position on a solitary issue of geopolitical relevance, which may be difficult to reconcile in the East, bilateral engagement with countries such as Germany, France and Denmark remains at the top . its priority. The aim of such a policy is clearly not to present itself as an isolating force, but as a swing power that can deftly move on a geopolitical and diplomatic chessboard.

In this direction, the holding of the 6th India-Germany Inter-Governmental Consultations (IGC), a biennial format that India organizes with Germany, assumed significant importance. India attaches vital importance to the ‘long-term commercial relationship’ with Germany, an important pillar of the ‘Strategic Partnership’ that the two countries entered into in 2000. Therefore, the idea is to highlight the convergence of economics issues, technology and climate change (the low hanging fruit), despite the sharp inconsistency on democratic and strategic issues. This is the root of the Indian approach.

There is room for perfect relationships

It is a fact that India-Germany relations have not yet achieved their full potential. One reason for this is, possibly, a lack of understanding of each other’s strategic cultures and domestic politics. It is doubtful whether Mr. Modi’s visit changed any of that, especially in the absence of any media interaction and strategic communication. Germany has invited Mr Modi to the G-7 meeting in June this year, which is seen as an attempt to wean India away from its position on Russia. However, although this effort may not be successful, it is certainly an indicator for the emerging multipolarity in the international system, which allows major powers such as Germany and India to play a larger role in bringing peace and stability to other theaters. particularly in Afghanistan and the Indo-Pacific. In a time of changing geopolitical alliances and restructuring, India and Germany may emerge as important poles in shaping the new world order.

Pro. Shanti Mariette D’Souza, Founder and President of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin, is Mantra and Visiting Fellow, Stiftung Wiesenshaft and Politiche (SWP). Views are personal and based on interviews and discussions in Germany. They do not reflect the views of the institutions; @shanmariet; E-mail: Shanthie.D’Souza@swp-berlin.org