Despite the Afghan debacle, the US must insist on a rules-based international order
President Joe Biden has found himself in the uncomfortable position of facing the expected criticism from Republicans not only for his country’s haste to pull out of Afghanistan, but also brickbats within the Democratic Party and among the wider American public. . At least 13 US soldiers and dozens of Afghan civilians killed Last week’s bombings highlighted a clear lack of planning behind the withdrawal, despite prior knowledge of its time frame. The chaotic, violent scene at Kabul airport, due to the deep irony of the Taliban’s unquestioned takeover of Kabul and other Afghan territories, has also certainly stunned American policymakers, especially compared to Saigon in 1975. How can Mr Biden now hope to sell the big picture of Washington’s engagement in the South Asia region to his domestic political constituents in a way that limits the damage to the White House’s reputation? The first step, in the long run, would be to shift the US policy paradigm on Afghanistan from a boilerplate approach to institution-building, to recognize the political complexities of operating a society where tribal and ethnic loyalties are the key to rational decision-making by the government. influenced by Western norms. . In part, this does not mean breaking or breaking ties with the Taliban before they have the opportunity to announce their intention to come to power and rule Afghanistan. There must also be recognition of the role that third parties are going to play, for better or worse. This should include everything from the Haqqani network, China’s relentless efforts to gain access to economic projects, and the Pakistani ISI’s vague behavior through proxies such as India’s civilizational and ‘soft power’ links.
In the bigger picture, there is a troubling question for Washington to answer, whether with a Trump-era promise to pull US troops out of Afghanistan, Mr Biden will be able to reassure Asian allies and partners that The US will not play an even less strategic role in the wider Asia region. To an extent, US Vice President Kamala Harris’ visits to Singapore and Vietnam were intended to address such concerns and spur enthusiasm for a rules-based international order, which has taken a blow. Nevertheless, unless Washington follows up such summits with grassroots participation, for example through deep bilateral initiatives with friendly democracies including the Quad or India, Asian powers should be reaffirmed by Washington’s commitment to their interests. One would be hard pressed to believe anything other than apathy. The threat of a significant setback thus emerging for the West may be at least two-fold: first, a well-documented cyclical transition from Afghanistan’s western-occupied territory to an abandoned nation and ultimately a breeding ground for global terrorist organizations; And second, China would be more than happy to step into the breach if it is handed over to any new place in the order of territorial hegemony in Asia.
.