Once upon a time, in the prime and materialistic decade of the 1980s, the expansion of multi-national corporations was lauded as a way of skill transfer, job creation and development of emerging economies. Companies told their shareholders bedtime stories in which they dreamed of a McDonald’s in every city square, a Honda in every garage, and a Coke in every hand, and they all fell asleep as soon as their dreams came true.
By the 90s, it was not just private firms that were successfully expanding across national borders. Enabled by advances in telecommunications, networks of international non-profit organizations span the globe, connecting like-minded global citizens. The rise in power of this politics of connected civil society was described by Jessica Matthews in her 1997 article, Power Shift, suggesting that these networks were stretching the boundaries of traditional nation-states – and governments – (1645). of Westphalia established with the peace of
An alternative view of Matthews’ “new medievalist” world order was put forward in the same year by Anne-Marie Slaughter, who stated that the state was being transformed into a new trans-governmental order, consisting of governments, rather than being weakened. Worldwide on banking, antitrust, environment or justice were connected and working together.
As the new world order took shape, the new trans-governmental bodies could not keep pace with the demands of accountability from a growing and assertive civil society. At the turn of the millennium, Church, Rock Star and Oxfam came together in a holy trinity and successfully lobbied for debt relief in Africa. The Bretton Woods sisters devoted themselves to these unlikely alliances in the global North and South. The loan was forgiven, but the alliance remained. Globalization was next on the block.
Once the ball was over, civil society woke up to the fact that there was indeed discontent in rapid globalization. Stiglitz and others lamented the growth of multinationals and their campaign for profit that had made the world alike, shutting down cacophonous hawker stalls and putting neighborhood chaiwalas out of business, quietly by the submissive consumer. received help.
The same tailwinds that supported the rise of international nonprofits are now fueling the hegemony of international terrorist networks. States responded with new laws and more powerful trans-governmental bodies armed with technology and cooperation. But even then they could not reduce the Big Bad Wolf of terror networks and promote geopolitical stability.
Matthews’ transition of power from states to international networks continues to have a devastating effect on the world stage. The most widespread such networks today are virtual communities of ‘baby zoomers’ powered by social media, e-commerce and artificial intelligence. Accelerated by the pandemic, this generation of elite youth around the world share cultural similarities and have instant access to Google, Spotify, YouTube, Amazon and a plethora of online games. Virtual technologies are either replacing or supplanting traditional forms of data and information gathering, communication, entertainment, sports, shopping, currency and even political participation. Purchasing power parity may soon be measured by the cost of high-speed Internet data rather than Big Macs.
The rise of elite virtual international networks has exacerbated inequality, especially during the pandemic. Those with access to technology and capital have enjoyed uninterrupted employment, schooling and access to the latest vaccines and health care, while those without have lost their chances for jobs and education. Many states have found it challenging to pacify these disparities, or growing disenchantment as people realize that they sometimes have more in common with their international networks than with their fellow citizens. Yuval Harari’s dystopian reality of two worlds, one inhabited by masters of capital and technology and the other consisting of unskilled and unemployed workers, programmed to entertain themselves on video games to prevent social unrest, such Looks like it’s very close. The virtual community has become the opium of the masses.
As human beings, we are descendants of people who traveled to distant shores to survive, trade and communicate. Harappan seals from the Indus Valley dating back to 3000 BC have been found in Mesopotamia, indicating a prosperous trade between the two ancient civilizations. Along the legendary Silk Route, silk, goods, ideas and inventions were traded for over a thousand years. The concept of zero number, algebra, gunpowder, religion, enlightenment and even non-violence spread across the world like wildfire. Our urge to travel, share and connect will continue to define us as human beings. Nevertheless, the proliferation of virtually interconnected international networks is changing the fabric of human society, further straining the concept of a sovereign state. At the same time, the global divide between the privileged and the less privileged is here to stay and is likely to create enormous tensions in a world where the state risks becoming irrelevant. States, civil society and citizens need to reflect, prepare and prepare for this new world order if we are to live happily ever after.
Shonar Lala is a development economist who has worked at the World Bank and the International Initiative for Impact Assessment.
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