changing context of caste

Caste is active today in three main ways. First, it is a system that regulates the distribution of material opportunity or life opportunities, and is therefore a source of permanent inequalities. Second, it is one of the primary methods of political mobilization, even though caste politics is now far more distinct, complex and uncertain than before. Third, and perhaps most elusive, of all except a small upper class, the upper-caste elite is still a form of community that provides a sense of kinship, belonging, and identity. Caste contexts have changed in ways that affect all three modalities.

a rise and fall

The story of caste as a mechanism to regulate material opportunities in independent India can be told in the context of the rise and fall of the reservation-qualification system.

In its original form, ‘reservation’ was a pre-independence idea derived from the Poona Pact of 1932 and codified in the Government of India Act of 1935. It was intended to be an antidote to caste discrimination rather than a remedy for backwardness. But, by the time the new republic’s constitution was adopted in January 1950, this idea had changed radically.

The new constitution abolished caste in principle but did not interfere with its practice. Reservation was now held as an exception to the general principle of castelessness, and was seen as a kind of unearned ‘benefit’ provided by the state to certain castes. The rest of society was seen as an area of ​​’merit’, where privileges were considered to be earned through talent and hard work. In other words, the caste-based allocation of opportunities remained unchecked, except for a share of seats in government jobs and public educational institutions. Unsurprisingly, the benefits of economic development – ​​both in the state as well as non-state sectors – have flowed along the caste hierarchy, with the upper castes getting the lion’s share. The reservation-merit system was founded on a dichotomy that has now collapsed, as shown by quotas for economically weaker sections, which effectively provided reservation for merit- Wallas, Today the role of caste in reproducing economic inequality is clearly visible.

The story of caste as a form of political mobilization began with its suppression in the years before and after independence. Caste politics was first limited to the campaign of untouchability and then throttled by the Poona Pact, which effectively ensured that only Dalit representatives acceptable to the upper castes were elected. Caste was invoked publicly in the Nehru era, and the Congress always underestimated caste issues, even rejecting the 1955 First Backward Classes Commission report.

However, universal suffrage had its own logic. In support of the irresistible force of numbers, backward caste politicians began to mobilize their caste constituencies in the 1960s. But the “Congress system” confined them to the regional level, leaving the upper castes free to control national politics, as they had done in the freedom struggle.

After decades of consolidation across states, backward caste politics made a dramatic entry on the national stage in the 1990s. Mandal Mod not only made caste a national issue; It also broke the myth of caste-exclusion which was nurtured by the Nehru era. But the intervention proved untenable – the 1990s were marked by unstable coalition governments.

The rise and retreat of lower caste politics at the national level highlights the formidable challenge of mobilizing local-regional caste constituencies to seize power at the Centre. The challenge is made all the more difficult by the growing internal discrimination within all caste groups, especially the Other Backward Castes. Another concern is the rapid transformation of the federal structure under the Narendra Modi regime, with the Center usurping the states’ financial and political powers. A recent example is the reinstatement of the Enforcement Directorate as a sort of super-agency, which has broad powers under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act backed by the Supreme Court of India.

At a time when regional politics is seen as the last hope against an authoritarian and majoritarian rule at the Centre, events such as a change of government in Bihar can bring hope. However, it is difficult to ignore the sharp contrast between the successful consolidation of what is essentially upper-caste politics at the Center and the challenges faced by lower-caste politics when state-level strongholds are being weakened. Is.

identity based mobilization

The narrative of caste as a cultural identity has been overtaken by the recent unprecedented rise of identity-based mobilization in a passionate, aggressive and almost pan-India form of Hindutva. The idea of ​​development that emphasizes shared interests was the ideological cornerstone of the Nehru-Indira-Rajiv Congress era, and was also Narendra Modi’s main issue in 2014. The Modi regime of 2019 has inaugurated a phase of Hindutva that emphasizes a shared adversarial identity. This weaponized form of Hindutva would be expected to be the natural enemy of lower caste politics due to the inevitable tension between horizontal Hindu unity and vertical caste hierarchy. Furthermore, given that both the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Sangh Parivar are dominated by upper castes, Hindutva has traditionally been characterized as upper caste.

The demographic compulsions require Hindutva to garner substantial support from the lower castes. The central question of our time is whether he will succeed in this quest. How far would the original upper-caste Hindutva supporters be willing to go to persuade lower-caste Hindus to join their movement? So far, concessions to lower-caste sensibilities have been limited to tokenism, including the highlighting of Narendra Modi’s nominal OBC identity, or the noisy appropriation of national symbols such as Ambedkar or local people such as Suheldev. Will more concrete gestures be made? Will the lower castes accept these offers and agree to become foot soldiers?

The answers to these questions will decide which direction the caste will take in the near future.

The context of caste has changed greatly over the past 75 years, changing its meaning, whether as a system regulating life chances, a method of political mobilization, or a form of socio-cultural identity. But whether it is the lower castes who oppose Hindutva or the upper castes who lead it to hegemony, the caste itself will retain its central role, even if it is enacted behind the scenes.

Satish Deshpande teaches Sociology at Delhi University. views expressed are personal