In a world of difficult geopolitical realities, New Delhi must leverage its unique strength to engage with Kabul
In the chaos that followed the Taliban capture of Kabul on August 15, uproar in the international community and desperate appeals from Afghans who wanted to leave the country, India has remained relatively silent. On the ground, the Narendra Modi government chose to speak on its feet, ordering the complete evacuation of the Indian embassy and all Indian personnel within hours of Afghan President Ashraf Ghani’s departure from the ‘Arg’ Rashtrapati Bhavan. At the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in New York and the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, India has expressed its concerns about terrorism, human rights and refugees, but has not mentioned the Taliban even once. And in India, the government appears to be as silent as thousands of Afghans scream for visas, with no response, instead focusing on the task of bringing a few hundred Indian nationals back home.
when India led
The silence is in stark contrast to the past, especially in the last 20 years, where India has been at the forefront of discussions in Afghanistan and Afghanistan. The three different governments in Delhi strengthened India’s role in three areas: in terms of infrastructure creation and development assistance, covering all 34 provinces in the country; in the matter of helping in the building of democracy, the writing of the constitution and the conduct of elections; And in terms of educational investment, allowing thousands of young Afghans to study, be trained as professionals and soldiers, and become skilled in India.
India was the first country with which Afghanistan signed a strategic partnership, the only country to undertake dangerous but ambitious projects such as parliament for transit trade, the Zaranj-Delaram highway and the Chabahar port project in Iran, and so far the only country to have voted did. consistently high in the countries in which the Afghan people relied. It seems unimaginable that the government could choose to move away from such capital, regardless of developments in Afghanistan, domestic political views in India, and geopolitical sensibilities. The government should consider all its options to stay connected with Afghanistan for its future.
on a margin
First of all, it is necessary to accept the harsh truth that no other power from west to east has considered India’s interests while setting its path on Afghanistan. India has found itself isolated from several quadrilateral arrangements: the main talks organized by the United States-Russia-China-Pakistan “troika plus” that pushed for a more “inclusive government”, including the Taliban; The Russia-Iran-China-Pakistan alternative group that formed a “territorial arc” that today maintains its embassy in Kabul; and the Uzbekistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan connectivity quadrangle formed by the US and China respectively, which rely heavily on Taliban protection and Pakistani port access.
Neither India’s traditional strategic and defense partner, Russia, nor its fastest growing global strategic partner, the United States, considered it important to include India or insisted that their envoy Zamir Kabulov (Russian President in Afghanistan Vladimir Putin’s Special Envoy) and Zalmay Khalilzad (US Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation) briefed their counterparts in New Delhi about the details of their talks with the Taliban leadership. If New Delhi was unable to realize that its personnel would be safe from Taliban militias and their Pakistani backers to keep diplomats in Kabul, nor to negotiate a diplomatic outpost at Kabul airport that would make it an alliance with the US, Keeping the core team, the United Kingdom and other North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) countries, it is time to recognize that India needs a new diplomatic strategy. While the Narendra Modi government found it inconvenient to oppose talks with the Taliban and the line extended to Pakistan so far as to facilitate dialogue with these “friendly” global leaders, it is necessary that such an outcome be publicly expected. be condemned who has clearly acted. Now against the interests of India
editorial | Staying invested: On India’s relations with Afghanistan
Action under the umbrella of the United Nations
To do so, India needs to begin with a UN rally, in its own interest and to exert its considerable influence over the Afghan “republic”, an idea that simply cannot be discarded. At the UNSC, India should be more vocal about its hatred of Taliban-run Afghanistan which seeks to reverse the gains of the past two decades. A fairly thin statement prepared by India as UNSC chair on 16 August, which did not even mention its opposition to the “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan”, was a disappointment in this regard.
Thereafter, India should take the lead in the debate over who will be nominated for the Afghan seat at the UN, and whether the current ambassador to the republic will remain appointed, or be declared “vacant” or “suspended” depending on the new seat. Seat. The regime in Afghanistan is committed to international norms on human rights, women’s rights, minority rights and more. As chairman of the Taliban Sanctions Committee (or 1988 Sanctions Committee), India should not give any exemption to terrorists such as Sirajuddin Haqqani and other members of the Haqqani group responsible for the brutal suicide bombings on Indian embassies and consulates. : On travel, the support of money or weapons.
Mr Modi’s speech at the United Nations General Assembly, scheduled for September 25, would be an appropriate opportunity to articulate India’s position on Afghanistan’s future and challenge the rest of the international community for refusing to legitimize the Taliban regime unless it is at all Don’t be ready to negotiate. these issues. As stated by the UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, the Taliban’s desire for international recognition this time is “the only advantage of the Security Council which pushes for inclusive government and respect for the rights, especially for women, in Afghanistan”. .
deal with governance
Next, the Narendra Modi government should determine the nature of its engagement with the new regime in Afghanistan. While a strategic engagement, safeguarding Indians and Indian interests, dealing with overflight rights and other coordination seems inevitable, the question of whether India should turn its secret back-channel talks with the Taliban and Pakistan over the past few months into something more . The origin remains to be debated. This becomes all the more important as India now faces a “threat umbrella” in its north, which includes Pakistan’s cross-border terrorism, Afghanistan’s new regime and China’s aggression along the Line of Actual Control. of government modus operandi Running foreign policy secretly and by surprise, over the years, would be counter-productive here. Instead a more broad-based and consultative process involving all political parties would be needed. While not dealing directly with the Taliban, India should ensure strong communication with those working directly, including former Afghan President Hamid Karzai and former High Council chief for National Reconciliation Abdullah Abdullah. leaders, who live in India and maintain close ties, to ensure their own interests. As part of its involvement, New Delhi should consider whether to revive its support for the Resistance, which currently includes Ahmed Shah Masood Jr., Amrullah Saleh, Abdul Rashid Dostum and Atta Mohamed Noor. , which are all known to India and aligned with one. To a large extent with India’s objectives in Afghanistan.
people outreach
Finally, the government must acknowledge its greatest strength in Afghanistan – its relations with the Afghan people – and open its doors to those who want to come here, as previous Indian governments have done. Government efforts have, so far, been woefully inadequate, with only a few hundred Afghans being evacuated or allowed to enter; The Home Ministry’s decision to cancel all visas already issued for security reasons is a step in the wrong direction. Notably, India should continue to facilitate medical visas for Afghan patients and extend education visas to students who are already admitted to Indian colleges.
Comment | A Taliban Outreach That Needs Improvement
In a world of harsh geopolitical realities, it is India’s soft power, strategic autonomy or non-aligned principle and selfless help to those in need, especially its neighbourhood, that has been the strongest chord for its unique voice in the world. Now is the time to make that voice heard on Afghanistan.
suhasini.h@thehindu.co.in
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