In 2021, Indian diplomacy was characterized by readiness to deal with friends and foes alike
Notable hyperactivity of Indian foreign policy will be the legacy of 2021, although the COVID-19 situation was not conducive to high-level meetings on travel, sensitive matters and protocols. Those traveling were at risk of falling ill abroad. Every time I met External Affairs Minister S. Seeing Jaishankar covering his stern and smiling face, with the demeanor and footsteps of a resolute warrior, I prayed for the safety of my former colleague. At a time when diplomacy had retreated behind a laptop, he traveled extensively without hesitation, making him the most visible face of India last year.
Geopolitics was overturned not only by the pandemic, but also by events before and after, through periodic elections that brought new dramatic personalities to center stage, and activism inevitable due to the instability of economic and political changes. Was. World. The pandemic turned the wind of change into a whirlwind and it became necessary for nations to move too fast to stay in their positions. The paradigm shift in foreign policy was evident and the field was open to nimble and decisive governments, not to hesitations, doubters, and calculations. A seasoned diplomat as a decisive Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs (EAM), India faced the challenges of the times.
Priorities in 2021
The transition from President Donald Trump to President Joe Biden and the resulting changes in US policy were big enough to put world leaders on tenterhooks. But it also appeared small against the onslaught of the pandemic. After a relatively easy period, India suddenly became the epicenter of tragedy that earned it the honor of being the pharmacy of the world. The inefficiency of India’s health system and the panic created by unclaimed funeral photos put the country on the defensive and undermine its credibility as it tried to contribute to addressing global issues. Every global forum was forced to find vaccines, medicines, masks and sanitisers to deal with the political and economic crisis.
For India, the biggest engagement of 2021 was the attempt to displace China in areas of Ladakh. Negotiations, military preparedness and economic pressure met with limited success. The sooner we achieve disengagement in the remaining areas, the better it will be for India to be more dominant in other areas of concern. Much of the time we interact with others will have been spent justifying our position on the border.
With the Taliban walkover in Kabul, Afghanistan turned into a bigger crisis than expected. India appears to be the sole defender of the Americans against Pakistan, China, Iran, Russia and others. Bringing some civility to the Taliban in Kabul in front of the Pakistan-China-Taliban axis became a high priority, with some support from Russia and Iran. Wherever the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister appeared in person or on virtual platforms, priority was given to Afghanistan and counter-terrorism rather than Chinese expansionism.
Climate change, UN reform, and allegations of India being only a partial democracy also demanded attention, but Indian interest in these areas did not appear as urgent and important as in other areas. India threatened to stand out of line in a matter of years with a net-zero emissions target, but succumbed to pressure to promote renewable energy and phase out coal. UN reform was going nowhere and there was no need to accept our position on the expansion of the Security Council. As far as Indian democracy is concerned, the Prime Minister’s claim that India is the “mother of democracy” and that the Foreign Minister’s primacy of governance remained uncontested at the political level.
What engulfed Indian diplomacy during the year was a marked change in style of openness and readiness to deal with friends and foes alike. From selective alignment, India moved towards universal engagement, even to the extent of holding meetings with opponents. The engagement with the US to increase commitment to the Quad and the formation of the ‘Western Quad’ with the US, Israel and the UAE and the formation of the ‘Western Quad’ became familiar with the new government.
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Engagement with China at the level of commanders and diplomats was intense, and ministerial talks continued even after China broke several basic agreements that had sustained negotiations for many years. Major agreements were signed with Russia despite the US threat of CAATSA against the S-400 missiles and the Russian inclination to forge an alliance with China in the coming days. Patience, diligence and perseverance were the components of Indian strategy, rather than arriving at conclusions through concessions. India participated in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization meeting, where a sub-group led by China took its decisions on Afghanistan. We also participated in the meeting of Russia, China and India. Such an approach demanded high-level individual involvement at senior levels.
Perhaps due to the unique geopolitical situation, India attached special importance to the presidency of the UN Security Council in August 2021. Unprecedented in the history of the United Nations, an event in the Security Council was presided over by the Prime Minister. India also included global issues of special importance in the agenda of the month. Important information provided during discussions on maritime security, peacekeeping and counter-terrorism issues for active consideration in future. Although it is misleading to believe that the way has been cleared for India’s permanent membership in the Security Council, India’s diplomatic capabilities and commitment to the United Nations were once again on display.
At a time when Aung San Suu Kyi and other opposition leaders are in jail, the foreign secretary’s visit to Myanmar to join military rule may raise eyebrows in many countries, but it may not involve those in power to explore the possibilities. Another example of India’s readiness to friendship and cooperation. The intention is to prevent China from holding a field day in Myanmar.
two big challenges
Sadly, the extraordinary efforts made by India have not been fruitful in the affairs of China and Afghanistan. China has shown no desire to secede in Ladakh and go back to previous positions along the Line of Actual Control. But the hope is that China will take a more reasonable approach after the current offensive ends with the start of another term for President Xi Jinping. He may show no sign of weakness in his external and internal policies at this critical time.
As far as Afghanistan is concerned, the race may be long given the Taliban’s stubbornness and its tendency to put its own people at risk for the sake of purity of faith. The international community is already moving towards saving the regime by providing humanitarian aid without any change in the oppressive regime. Irrespective of its open and universal engagement with all concerned, India faces a formidable challenge in Afghanistan. But India’s new style of diplomacy will have an impact in shaping the world of the future.
TP Srinivasan is the former Ambassador of India and the Governor of India to the IAEA
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