Form of words:
TeaThe Imran Khan government, like its predecessors, entered into an agreement with the Barelvi religious-political group, Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan, which was traffic To Islamabad for the release of their leader and the removal of the French ambassador from Pakistan. Apart from talks with the government, it was timely Interference By Army Chief Qamar Javed Bajwa who saved the day.
Proving members of the Imran Khan cabinet, including National Security Adviser Moeed Yusuf, who Claimed That the government would not tolerate law breaking by TLP gangsters, the general helped top businessmen and religious leaders to strike another secret agreement. The government has declined to disclose the details of the arrangement, but it is clear that a politically costly agreement has been reached that would result in the TLP getting more than a pound of meat to back its march.
The first agreement the TLP signed with Nawaz Sharif’s previous government in late 2017 was to close a safeguard against minor changes to electoral laws that would have accommodated the Ahmadiyya community, which is not a majority Muslim in Pakistan and around the world. admit. Muslim. Pakistan also passed a constitutional amendment in 1974 declaring him a non-Muslim.
Since then, individuals from the Ahmadiyya community are systematically victimized. There was reportedly a 2017 settlement to facilitate Outgoing Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief Lt Gen Faiz Hameed in which another general, who heads Rangers Punjab, was caught on camera distributing money to TLP protesters. After that arrangement, there was no looking back for the Barelvi group, which also became popular due to its leader Khadim Hussain Rizvi, who is known for his slander.
Who is TLP?
On the surface, the TLP is like any other religious group in Pakistan, which was either created or aided by the military. One was reminded of other groups like Deobandi Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM), Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM) or Ahl-e-Hadith Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) She goes. ) – all had the support of the military to survive in return for furthering their ideological base in society.
But TLP differs from these groups as it was never involved in violence outside Pakistan. Barelvi religious groups have largely stayed away from state wars abroad, except for a small unit in south Punjab.
The agenda of TLP is very political and reactive and its creation is a result of politics within Pakistan. The TLP formally became a party in 2016, united around the same year death sentence of Mumtaz Qadri, the security guard who shot dead Punjab governor Salman Taseer in 2011, a Christian woman, To support Asia Bibi, who was accused of blasphemy. .
The TLP started its footing in 2017 after a sit-in with the police, in which the ISI not only helped, but also helped the TLP goons in beating up police officers in Islamabad. I personally met officials from the Bada Kahu (suburban Islamabad) police station, who spoke of attacking with wooden sticks laden with nails. The police officers knew their attackers. It was a sad case of state institutions damaging other state institutions to maximize power. Since the first picketing and encounter, the TLP has threatened mass protests at least three times and each time around two issues of the finality of the Prophet.end nabuwat) And blasphemy which is also the main selling point of the party.
Read also: Team Bajwa is now betting on the UK to promote the Taliban – to reach the US indirectly
a dangerous deal
Establishment has brought dangerous genie out of the bottle. The agreement will have an impact on four levels.
First, conceptually, the agenda set by the TLP is the one that will guide all other stakeholders. no other party is likely to cross the threshold of blasphemy or Nabuwat over. As the party entered the socio-political arena, even ideological rivals like Deobandi and Ahl-e-Hadith had to wholeheartedly support the rhetoric on these issues. In this sense, he will now give a darker color to the religious-nationalism of Pakistan than before.
Second, the Barelvi Party has outgrown the powers of pir To set the ideological and political agenda. Dominates the politics of Punjab and Sindh pir or a combination of interests between farmers or landlords pir. Religions dominated politics for a long time, which also meant control over social discourse that made some room for minority groups. Though this started to change long back, TLP’s entry into politics has raised the standards for pir. The growing number of small towns in these two provinces, coupled with increasing urbanization technology, social media and some literacy (not to be confused with education) have changed the political tastes of the constituents. NS pir Much will now be judged on his position on blasphemy for contesting elections or playing some role in politics and Nabuwat over. NS pir A challenge but TLP also gives them power. The state’s support to Deobandi and Ahl-e-Hadith insurgency had tilled the waters of pir. Barelvi politico-militancy brought him back to the central level not only religiously but also at the center of state politics. it was a dozen pir Important pilgrimage sites across the country met PM to help avoid conflict between the TLP and the government.
Third, the TLP’s relevance to the establishment is adjusting the domestic political balance, particularly in pushing back the conservative Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN). Despite Imran Khan’s growing unpopularity, generals are suspicious of Nawaz Sharif returning to the corridors of power or allowing the entry of his daughter Maryam. While many theories are floating about the real reason behind the latest TLP protests and it certainly reflects tensions within the establishment, one cannot ignore that the main reason for the Islamabad march was the destruction of Sharif’s support base. or divert a neutral voter. Although the TLP did not manage a single seat from Punjab in the 2018 elections, the fact is that now every constituency has a solid ideological vote bank, which, like the Deobandi vote bank, has been negotiated with major local and national leaders. will be used for The parties cannot be ignored.
Finally, the Barelvi Jinni is far more dangerous than its Deobandi or Ahl-e-Hadith counterparts, because of the ideological following across the spectrum, which includes the armed forces. Even though the army remains professionally controlled and strictly hierarchical, the jawan’s ideological sensibility is equally influenced by TLP rhetoric. An army chief may continue to serve, but will feel seriously restrained in the matter of fighting within the institution in which the ideology is used against him. General Bajwa had to reach out to the Barelvi Ulema, which, apart from being a signal to his own people of his ability to solve political problems, also had a declaration that the religious nationalism of the state would not be abandoned. In any case, Bajwa has organized more private religious gatherings throughout his career as service chief, commanding the support of his men. Although the TLP did not win a single seat in Punjab in the last elections, it is also fighting to control Punjab, from where the army comes in large numbers. One is reminded of the early 2000s when the then army chief, General Ashfaq Kiyani, did not dare to conduct military operations against terrorists in these tribal areas because of its impact on peace and stability in Punjab.
There is no doubt that eventually TLP will be managed. It will be challenged from within religious opposition. NS unhappiness The agreement by Maulana Tahir Ashrafi, the Deobandi chief of the Ulema Parishad, indicates ideological competition and restlessness. In the case of a major threat, the establishment may use the divide and rule formula. Furthermore, once the military and ISI reach their tolerance limits or the party is out of efficacy for the establishment, the latter will use methods that are usually used to reduce a group’s power. Does: Create and incorporate a rival group and encourage bringing about internal conflict. total power down. It will be carried forward through the possible insertion of an opponent group. But strategically, this means that TLP’s new rival will be more vicious and tough on their agenda. In today’s Pakistan, Mullah is a serious stakeholder ready to cut a deal with the establishment not for short-term gains but for long-term socio-political impact.
Ayesha Siddiqa is a Senior Fellow in the Department of War Studies at King’s College, London. He . is the author of Military Inc.. She tweets @iamthedrifter. Thoughts are personal.
(edited by Prashant)
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