On 13 February, 2025, Article 356 of the Constitution was implemented in Manipur And came under the state President’s RuleThis made a way for the President of India to take charge of all administrative and legislative works of the state from the Council of Ministers of Manipur. Although the state assembly has not been dissolved, instead is placed in the ‘animated suspension’, it shows that instead of a new election for the assembly after the President’s rule, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and His MLAs are being given time. Jowar on their differences to resume Shakti.
Other reasons were
Since 20 long months of chaos in the state, since then Communal devastation landed on it on May 3, 2023The central government did not consider this emergency step despite being demanded from many quarters. Why step now? Obviously, the primary idea is still not anarchy but some others.
One of these is technical. Article 174 of the Constitution It is necessary that the place between the two state assembly sessions does not exceed six months – a time limit that ended on 12 February. The deadline was closed as the assembly had abandoned its winter session, and therefore, the budget session was planned to start. February 10, two days before this time limit. However, on the afternoon of 9 February, then Chief Minister of Manipur, N. Biran Singh resignsA step that was probably forced by the BJP’s central leadership to avoid possible partition in the BJP assembly party, as they were getting dissatisfied against Mr. Singh. The opposition Congress party was prepared to pursue mistrust speed Against the government, and it was feared that the ruling MLA MLA Shri Singh was ready to risk disqualification to support the proposal when he remained as the Chief Minister.
After accepting Mr. Singh’s resignation, Governor of Manipur, Ajay Kumar Bhalla, unexplained reasons, Declared The assembly session is about to start as “disabled and zero” the next day. He was probably not informed about the deadline of 12 February. He must have thought that a new Chief Minister could take charge and re -called the assembly. However, a bitter conflict between Mr. Singh’s loyal and disgruntled, which Mr. Singh should succeed, made it impossible.
The state, until then was in a constitutional organ, had very few other options, besides implementing the President’s rule, only one caretaker government and a lapsed assembly session. This was done on 13 February without dissolving the assembly.
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, in 2016, an online authority for information application has been replied, Manipur has ruled the President 10 times. This will be its 11th time, from which it will be one of the weakest states, which has been taken to this extreme remedy. It also reflects the fragmented nature of its political landscape, but it is not surprising given its ethnic diversity.
There are 33 recognized scheduled tribes in Manipur, most of the Naga and Cookie (now cookie-jone) groups. There are also majority Meiteis (and Pangal or Meitei Muslims) who are considered non-tribals. In addition, there are many other non-tribal communities such as Naples, Punjabis, Tamil and Marwar, which forms an estimated percentage of about three million of the state’s estimated population. Unfortunately, they are virtually invisible and taken for the given.
Politics of localism
Adding this complexity, called the politics of populistism. A book, Religious democracy: South Asia and beyond it populist politics (2024), Adnan a. Nasimullah and Pradeep’s. By fourteen, it also provides many insight into problems that occur on micro canvass like Manipur. A brief sketch of his proposal will be helpful.
The author starts with the Google dictionary definition of political populistism, which is “a political approach to appeal to the common people who feel that their concerns are disregarded by the established elite groups”. The interesting and relevant is the three broad categories of political populism that the author does profile.
The first is “populist”, and its representation is widespread, not sectist. Its appeal is the idea of restructuring the moral order, such as by championing, or using issues such as poverty upliftment and farmer rights for further political advantage. Politicians who successfully carry forward such agendas and emerge as leaders are also prominent and autocratic.
The second is “additive” populistism, in which campaigns will fall to be included by those people. For example, a political movement to join the large plan of Manipur political establishment by Nepalis will fit this category. They seek reality and not radical reorganization.
The third is the author called “Kwidian” localism. These popular politicians want to build their exclusive constituencies, and then have the distinctness of their constituencies preserved for their inherent loops. They are biased and their popular political interest is to keep societies polarized.
Apparently, Manipur’s warmly election is in the political field, players of all these separate brands of political populistism. Those who follow the politics of Manipur in view of the state’s almost two-year-old ethnic conflict between their two major communities, Mathis and Cookie-Zos would have also paid attention to it.
A fight that increased
This fight must have been between the government of Manipur, then N. Under the chairmanship of Biren Singh, and cookie-tribes, considering the main reasons of all the animals, there were drives against Shri Singh’s encroachment, pop poppy cultivation and illegal migration. They were insensitively and were followed with an insensitive populist pomp, which was abusive and derogatory to those who received the achieving at the end. Unfortunately, on the other side of the political fence of Shri Singh’s populism, on the other side of the political fence, his aristocratic opponents, competitively to ride their brands on waves of ethnic pair in their respective constituencies, to ensure this For that to ensure that. The enmity of the process was converted into communal enmity.
The current mantra of the President’s rule is unlikely to last long and a new BJP government may soon take charge soon. But whether there is such a government or whether the President’s rule continues or not, further challenges are far from simple. When considering irredenta reality, population movements on the international border should be allowed to continue, but not in a unintelligent manner like the past. Similarly, drive against poppy seeds or forest encroachments should continue, but sensible and sensitively.
Above all, the effort should be for the end of insensitive communal enmity. In the long run, politics should excuse localism and should be agreed instead, shaped by the principle that promoting more and more common good guarantees the enlightened selfishness of all. Manipur became a full state in 1972, but its political history has enough evidence of this character, and any person in any community can only emerge as a caliber -based Chief Minister.
Pradeep Fanjobam Editor, IMphal review of art and politicsAnd the author of two books
Published – February 20, 2025 12:16 AM IST