Pakistan’s triangular power play makes it a tinderbox

The recent arrest of Imran Khan in Pakistan and subsequent cancellation of his arrest warrant is a new episode in the country’s triangular power game.

In one corner is the Pakistan Army, which considers itself the best custodian of the state’s interests, protecting it from external enemies and internal chaos. This “internal chaos”, according to the military and its supporters, is manifested in the country’s traditional political parties – the Pakistan Muslim League (PML), led by the Sharif brothers, and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), led by Bhutto. These are in the second corner. Upstairs in the third corner is the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), led by the flamboyant Khan.

Khan’s mix of populist politics, religious conviction, ultra-nationalism and personal charisma has turned the old rivalry between the military and traditional political parties into a three-way fight.

While it is alleged that the PTI itself was created by the military as a ploy to keep democratically elected parties under control, Khan has accused former army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa of plotting his assassination, PTI Alleged to attack people, give benefits to members. of other political parties, and of lobbying against him with the United States.

The assassination attempt on Khan by an alleged drug addict last November has worsened the situation. Along the way, Khan has built a more credible image than other parties when it comes to challenging the Pakistani military.

Considering the country’s economic condition and bailout talks with international agencies and other countries, the army is currently maintaining a low profile. But the PML-led civilian government has continued its attacks on Khan. The government’s legal measures against Khan are, in a way, the traditional parties’ response to the challenge to their electoral base by Khan and his PTI.

Khan has nearly 100 cases registered against him, accusing him of a range of crimes ranging from corruption to sponsoring violence to terrorism. Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif accused him about “fascist and extremist tendencies” and attempted to “intimidate the judiciary” in a tweet.

in another tweetSharif even appeared to take the side of the military by criticizing the PTI for its “slanderous campaign against Chief of Army Staff General Asim Munir”, a key swing factor in Pakistan’s military, if not the kingmaker in the country. Was testifying to the importance. Politics.

But it all “smells of desperation” as leading Pakistani daily dawn keep this. Political and institutional challenges – such as pressure on the judiciary – are unlikely to be seen as vendetta politics as presented by Khan and his supporters.

Pakistan’s dire economic straits, poor international image and weary population have allowed Khan to cast himself as a defector, fighting both the military and traditional parties. Whether he actually has sound political and economic policies to deal with the country’s myriad internal and external challenges is another matter entirely.

Khan’s radical politics and growing popularity in recent years challenge not only the Pakistani military and the country’s traditional political parties, but also India and other relevant external powers. For New Delhi, the return to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan, already a more populist and hardline regime, especially one with a large population, not to mention nuclear weapons, should be a matter of concern.

This concern should prompt New Delhi’s policy-making elite to think about fundamentally different approaches to Pakistan and develop methods of conducting outreach and diplomacy that either eliminate these challenges in the first place, or at least reduce them.

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