The peasant movement has strengthened the bond between Muslims and Jats in western Uttar Pradesh.
The peasant movement has strengthened the bond between Muslims and Jats in western Uttar Pradesh.
The revival of secularism at the grassroots in western Uttar Pradesh, which is raising the veil of fear for Muslims, is one of the most rewarding benefits of the peasant movement in northern India. The movement strengthened social and cultural ties between Jats and Muslims, whose decades of communal harmony were defeated during the Muzaffarnagar violence in 2013. Will this grassroots secularism have an impact in other parts of UP or in the rest of India. valid question. However, this in itself is an impressive achievement.
2013 damage
The region’s history of communal harmony is unparalleled as the region remained untouched by the violence that followed both the Partition and the Ayodhya movement. Yet the violence in 2013 broke the secular social fabric like never before – mainly due to a religiously polarizing campaign by Hindutva forces, who, according to elderly Jats, were trying to force their youth to support the ideological cause of Hindutva. Were able to brainwash generations.
Secularism has been debated in India by scholars of various disciplines. Some have argued that it is a Western idea and thus inherently incompatible with Indian society, where the religion has its roots. For others, secularism is an Indian idea. In my view, the grassroots secularism reflected in the social bond of Jats and Muslims in western Uttar Pradesh provides evidence of the latter’s diversity.
According to Naresh Tikait, eldest son of late farmer leader Mahendra Singh Tikait, the old days between Jats and Muslims are back, and the massive electoral gains that the BJP enjoyed in 2014, 2017 and 2019 are not visible. Is. This time in the field. It is worth mentioning that Naresh Tikait had pleaded with Muslims not to leave his village of Sisauli during the 2013 violence, in which he took off his head and laid it on the ground. The Bharatiya Kisan Sangh, which was formed and led by the senior Tikait, had both Muslim and Hindu leaders and followers, but the 2013 violence caused a split in the organisation. Even today, a lamp is lit in Mr. Tikait’s house as a tribute to the secular ethos of the organization along with the peasant movement since 1987, the year the iconic slogan “Har Har Mahadev Allahu Akbar” was born.
Most of the Muslims of this region always trusted the leaders of Charan Singh, Mahendra Singh Tikait and Mulayam Singh. They seem to be putting their weight behind the Akhilesh Yadav-led alliance this time, but they appear worried and fearful. Many of the victims of the 2013 riots live in colonies set up by different organizations or families such as Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind (of Arshad Madani), CPI(M) and the family of Tabassum Hasan, who was an earlier Muslim MP. UP since 2014. The victims in these colonies struggle for basic amenities and livelihood. Many sold their ancestral property to the Hindu villagers with whom they grew up and lived until the riots. Although Muslims fled the affected villages, mosques and madrasas have been left in these places. These issues need to be addressed for the return of communal harmony, says social activist Subodh Tyagi, who led a large peace march in Budhana during the riots.
An important issue, unresolved
Lynching of Muslims has been a major issue since 2014. Sadly, no party, including the so-called secular people, has spoken on this issue during the recent election campaign in UP. The same thing happened in West Bengal and New Delhi. Very. In 2018, the Supreme Court asked Parliament to bring in a separate law against lynching, but the government made no effort to do so. However, the same government has shown extraordinary urgency in implementing the court’s direction in the Ayodhya case, which was delivered more than a year later. Former MLA and prominent Jat leader Harendra Singh Malik assured this writer that the issue of lynching will be addressed with laws if the Akhilesh-led government comes to power.
While this revival of secularism at the grassroots level deserves praise, it needs further strengthening. Communalism, as historian Gyanendra Pandey says, has been created. The truth is that secularism also needs to be built. As Tosif Rahi, a senior leader from Budhana and associated with the Samajwadi Party, put it, “What kind of secularism did we have in India for almost 70 years that the Hindutva regime took only five years to ‘keep Muslims in its place’. ?'” The rise of Hindutva and its ruthless use of the state’s oppressive authority has shaken the foundations of grassroots secularism and the faith of Muslims in it. One can only hope that this new lease of life for grassroots secularism continues.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman teaches at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, and is the author of an upcoming book, Shikwa-e-Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims.