There are rumors of coup in Dhaka. Here’s that the army is not keen on it

TeaThat fakir was sitting cross-leagged on a bed, dressed Lungi And Banyan, And surrounded by washing clothes. Farida said, as he was sitting on a wooden stool in front of him, he imagined that he was surrounded by the smell of flowers and a cold air. For the last one hour, Farida was trapped in an autorickshaw, struggling with Hali Shar of Chittagong through traffic, which was to give a message to powerful mystic and Hafiz from her husband, Major Saeed Farooq-U-Rahman. Within a few hours, Major would staging the first coup of Bangladesh – but first, he needed to ensure that Mistic saw Doom in his enemy’s stars.

“Forget it,” Bangladesh founder Patriyark and Chairman, Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman, told the young officials that who reached his office to kill him, “Pakistan’s army could not do so.”

Now for weeks, many people in Bangladesh are wondering whether the country’s rape democracy is moving towards military rule again. Large -scale crowd violenceOften raising the youth against the police, Prime Minister Sheikh continues to claim life after six months after forcing Hasina from the post. Economic crisis Keeps maintainedAnd religious minorities continue to face attack,

Even the rumors of the coup revolve around the Dhaka, however, the reason for doubting it is not a choice. The Chief General of the Army will voluntarily do the Chief General of the Army, Vekar-U-Zaman voluntarily. Since 1991, when democracy was restored in the country, the parties of the country have institutionalized the factional form within the army, which has created systems that include the generals not to the state but in the conservation of the network run by political leadership.

Away from consolidating the military authority, the 1975 coup began a brutal power struggle within its ranks. Blind Hafiz, blind mystic, whose lawyer Major Farooq asked, did not see the depth of blood tide, which he was exposing.

Also read: Bangladesh cannot do another coup. The government should not rely on all army officers with power

A flowing republic

The moment of Bangladesh’s birth as a Republic did not see the distinction of the army itself: “The purpose of an 31-gon salute was thrown out after five rounds and had to replace it with rifle and automatic fire,” Masakenhas has written. In any case, there was very little to celebrate. Two years after independence, the lack of food had become outdated, increased to a fully developed famine by March 1974. Economist Mohiuddin Alamgir Saw “streams of hungry people – men, women and children – who were nothing but skeletons, trek in cities in search of food.” Some people survived from March, even the crowd of the government in the kitchen.

As Humanist Willm Van Shendel It is written, it was responsible for the large -scale flood crisis, but it was clear that the corruption of the ruling élite intensified the crisis.

To make things worse, Mujib paid very little attention to governance, often confusing policies with plateaus. The government responded to mass protests with mass protests, protesters and opposition politicians. The 94 -year -old socialist Maulvi Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashi was among those.

Journalist Anthony Mascarenhas’s journalist Anthony Mascarenhas, “Hare or black glasses and Kastro’s bearded longer boys will tear on the streets.” Informed Among the chaos that grows after 1974. “Sometimes they used to take rifles and stain guns. Never. But if they were demanded in shops or houses, they did not find their way, the desired victims knew that they would return after the darkness with guns.

In other places, barefoot groups of youngsters in lungi – sometimes freely freeing freedom fighters – through rural markets, help themselves in eggs, fish, vegetables and cash.

Among its most economically harmful measures, Awami League decided to nationalize some 85 percent of the industry and get about 90 percent of foreign trade monopoly. The scholar is with Talkar Maniruzaman It is written that licensed dealersMost of which were Awami League cadre, distributed both locally produced and imported goods.

The new government rapidly turned into repression, facing the attacks of Maoists in many districts. In December 1974, Mujib announced the situation of the Emergency and what was less in the Constitution of the Constitution by establishing a one-sided state under the leadership of Bangladesh farmer Srimik Awami League, or Basakal.

The scholar Habibul Haq Khondkar The argument is that it is a one-sided state Relaxed the weak foundation. Fearing the power of popular individual commanders – he was also meant as the mythological Kadar ‘Tiger’ Siddiqui – it also means that many individuals who played an important role in the freedom movement were sidelined. The politicians of the Awami League did not play any role in the war nor did the experience come to control the bureaucracy. Meanwhile, a large number of commanders from the rank of Mukti Bahni converted from military life to career in politics.

Also read: Bangladesh is becoming a security threat to India. Yunus government is stopping anti -India politics

Putch after putch

Farooq’s coup of August 1975 did not last long. A group of prominent-rank officials selected not to return to their military duties and instead operated the government from the official residence of the President. To protect this, he dunted by Egypt in exchange for a shipment of Bengal Lancers Regiment and a tank unit with four Russian T -54 -in exchange for a shipment of Bengali tea. Amidst Sheikh Mujib’s closest political colleagues, Khondkar Mostak Ahmed declared himself President – and immediately ordered Sarcasm Among his most prominent colleagues.

The new regime immediately replaced the military service chief, General KM Shafiullah. Air Vice Marshal Ak Kondekar. His replacement, General Ziyar Rehman and Air Vice-Marshal MG Ghulam Tawab, however, understood that the full power is now with young officers, not the command of the command of the military.

Thus, a second coup was staged in November 1975, this time by the senior leadership of the army. Like the first coup, the circumstances were chaotic. Army Chief, General Zia, clearly refused to support the couples and was placed under the arrest of the house. The second most senior army officer, General HM Ershad, was far away to participate in a staff course in India. Thus, the task fell to the head of general employees and the third most senior, Brigadier Khalid Musharraf in the series of commands.

To claim the validity of his actions, however, Brigadier insisted on being appointed as the Chief of Army, an appeal by the President rejected a flat. Brigadier Khalid then persuaded the Navy and Air Force heads to pin the rank badge on their uniforms – a bizarre spectacle, Khondkar NoteIt was published in five columns in all local letters the next morning.

Facing against the tank units of Bengal Lancers, who threatened to fight until the last, a deal was eventually killed, giving Sheikh Mujib to the officials who killed the safe route.

Among the leaders of the November coup, however, there was a lack of a clear political plan and initially allowed the cabinet and Parliament to continue. For the embarrassment of the army, some in Parliament opposed the coup. Subsequently, the leaders of the November coup dissolved both the current Parliament and the cabinet. He established the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as a Nonpartison, a neutral president. General Zia was forced to resign from his commission.

For fear of her life, Zia now appealed to her old Comrade, Lieutenant-Karnal Abu Taher to help. With the cadre of the clandstine, the leftist Biplobi went to support the Shinik Songstha, Taher Zia. Khalid and his supporters sought asylum at the headquarters of 10 Bengal Regiment. However, they were killed by rebel soldiers – the first rebellion of its kind, scholar Lawrence LifeSultz notedSince the anti -colonial rebellion of 1857.

Lieutenant-Karnal Taher and General Zia eventually found themselves on the opposite sides, which soon evolved into a complete scale rebellion. Listed men ripped the badge from the uniform of their officers, write Lifescults, and demanded the establishment of revolutionary committees to administer the army. General Zia won the power struggle, and the rebels were crushed.

Also read: China rolled the red carpet for Younus. He should know that Beijing is not free

Learned learning?

After the 1975 crisis, General Zia founded the Bangladesh National Party. 29 He was eventually murdered by rivals in the army after avoiding the efforts of 29 coup. SCholar Sara Tasnim Shehbuddin Sees that his successor, HM Ershad, managed to bribe his colonel to remain loyal, but proved to be unable to survive the joint opposition of Hasina and Khaleda. However, the generals had learned important lessons: to intervene in politics, there was a risk of dividing the army against itself, which was to open the path of rebellion.

Bangladesh’s military major reasons are reluctant to Mount follicle, inheritance of those troubled decades. Political establishment, moreover, nurtured these divisions. In Pakistan, the generals are directly connected to the state through liberal grants of land in military-controlled businesses and post-retirement appointments. In Bangladesh, like India and other citizen democracy, political patronage holds the key to success.

General Waker-e-Zaman knows that Bangladesh is running fast out of time, but taking charge of its fate can eliminate the army with ideological lines and open the route of civil war. When he decides, no one is telling, the clock is running on time to get the call.

Praveen Swami is contributing the editor to Theprint. His X handle is @Praveenswami. Views are personal.

(Edited by Theres Sudeep)