Volodymyr Zelensky’s chief of staff on how to end the war in Ukraine

It is ridiculous to call for the two sides to talk before Russia accepts Ukraine’s right to exist as a sovereign nation. Unless Western countries create effective mechanisms to deter Russian aggressors, punish them, and force them to fulfill their obligations under international law, any negotiations will allow Russia to weaponize diplomacy, Will give herself a break to prepare for her next act of aggression.

We need something completely different to end war. President Volodymyr Zelensky laid out his idea for this in the form of a ten-point road map in his speech to the G19 powers in Bali in mid-November. Sitting in front of a table to confirm the end of the fight should be the last thing on the list. There are nine other things that have to happen first, all based on the principles of the UN Charter and the norms of international law.

The first few points cover security in different areas. Nuclear security is one. Nuclear blackmail is a serious challenge both to our country and to the whole world. The threat of using nuclear weapons against a state that voluntarily abandoned them 28 years ago threatens the nonproliferation regime and may encourage other countries to build their own nuclear arsenals as the only defense against potential aggression. . So we need effective mechanism to stop it. The international working group, co-chaired with former NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen, is already preparing a series of recommendations.

The second priority is food security. Expanding our initiative on the safe transport of grain and food through Ukrainian ports (also known as the Black Sea Grain Initiative), and ensuring that it continues indefinitely, is the key to further efforts to weaponize hunger. There will be a safeguard against. The Grain from Ukraine program is another of our contributions to international food security, enabled by the introduction of grain corridors. Totally 30 countries have already joined the initiative, with the European Union and the United Nations supporting it.

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The third focus is energy security. On fossil fuels, we have limited Russia’s ability to use energy as a geopolitical weapon. Europe has significantly reduced dependence on Russian gas and capped oil prices. However, the level of sanctions against Russian energy carriers remains insufficient. Gazprom continues to finance the war against Ukraine, but Gazprombank is still linked to SWIFT, the global money-transfer system. The possibilities for limiting Russia’s oil profits are not yet exhausted, even as these funds keep the Kremlin’s war machine running.

On top of that, there is also a need to protect the energy infrastructure from further destruction. Ukraine needs help in strengthening the air and anti-missile defense of vital facilities. International cooperation with Russia on nuclear energy should be terminated because of the systematic attacks on nuclear facilities in Ukraine. The Zaporizhia nuclear power plant, captured by the Russians in March, must be immediately returned to Ukrainian control. The safety of others should be the top priority.

The fourth objective is environmental protection. According to our government’s estimates, the environmental damage caused to Ukraine as a result of the war is more than €37bn ($39bn). Destruction of flora and fauna. Disruption of ecosystems has become a global threat. This is why, at the COP27 climate summit, we proposed the creation of a global platform to assess climate and environmental damage related to war.

Other elements of the ten-point plan include defense and prevention. One of the objectives here is the withdrawal of Russian troops from all internationally recognized Ukrainian territories and a complete cessation of hostilities. To implement this, Ukraine needs continued military and technical support to ensure our superiority on the battlefield and to secure our civilian infrastructure. This will be greatly facilitated by the multilateral declaration of an air shield over Ukraine to provide assistance from guarantor states in creating a modern multi-layered missile-defense system.

Another priority after this would be to stop the escalation. Effective security guarantees for Ukraine are vital for enhancing our defense capabilities until Ukraine is able to join NATO. That is why we have proposed the Kiev Security Compact, which seeks to secure legally binding security guarantees from Western countries. It should provide a range of mechanisms to deter the aggressor, such as helping Ukraine build up capable defense forces and promoting preventive sanctions. It should also provide tools to assist Ukraine in case of actual aggression, including immediate military technical assistance and punitive sanctions against the aggressor state.

The fulfillment of these two objectives will facilitate the full restoration of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in accordance with the United Nations Charter.

Two final objectives involve human rights: the first is the release of prisoners and exiles. Nearly three million Ukrainian citizens, including more than 12,000 children, have been forcibly deported to areas controlled by the Russian government. All of them should be allowed to return home freely. Thousands more have been taken prisoner. We are ready to exchange prisoners according to the “all for all” formula, under which all prisoners on both sides will be returned to their homes of origin.

Others need justice. This refers to the trial and conviction of those guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity, as well as compensation for damages caused by the Russian aggression. A special tribunal should be established to punish those guilty of the crime of aggression who cannot be reached by the International Criminal Court and other existing international judicial institutions. In order to make Russia pay financially for the restoration of Ukraine, we have also initiated the creation of a compensation mechanism in the United Nations.

After all these nine conditions are met, a multilateral document can be considered to be signed to certify the end of the war. An international conference which could be held as early as 2023 would be the starting point for the implementation of the plan. The approach to post-war peace should be determined by the proactive stance of the international community, not by the potential responses of the aggressor.

We Ukrainians are grateful for any help we have received in repelling Russian aggression. But we wish those suggesting a compromise would listen more to Ukrainian voices. Appeals addressed to both belligerents to end the war in Ukraine should be rejected. We need a comprehensive strategy like the one outlined above to force Russia to make peace.

Andrey Yermak Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine