FOr among those who are complaining about the lack of certainty in Pakistan, one thing is certain – that in any next election, former Prime Minister Imran Khan will commit a political assassination. It is not only because he has emerged as the most popular leader of the country but also because no political player wants to fight him. Right now, he is the only politician who seems to be saying fashionable things like challenging the army, a legend that is quite popular among the people.
Events like recent attempts at him Life-which will never be investigated, or will never accept the investigation- has made Imran the only serious player in town. But are we looking at a future where the Pakistani military will lose its importance and become more accountable and professional? The answer has to be given in the negative.
Pakistani army will not move from its place
The reason for my suspicion is based on several factors. Let’s start with the simplest reason- Pakistan Army and its agencies are keeping their grip despite the pressure. Even though the Supreme Court ordered A police FIR on Imran in an attempt to murder, reports Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has fallen short of expectations. it only is mentioned Not the attackers Naveed Khan and Major General Faisal Naseer. Naseer is the DG (C) of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), who has been accused by Imran of conspiring to commit violence against him and his party members on several occasions. In fact, the ISI and the Inter-Services Public Relations Division (ISPR) are back to their usual strategy.
Through public advertisements on social media and in Islamabad and other urban centers of Punjab, they are Condemnation Imran’s allegations on General Naseer are forcing even his weak political colleagues in sensitive provinces like Balochistan to give statements in favor of the general. From Lt Gen (Retd) Asim Bajwa, Lt Gen Asif Ghafoor to Lt Gen Babar Iftikhar – the three ISPR chiefs Used Similar tactics to either support the top boss or protect the thick political skin of his organization. This has actually turned into an ugly personal battle between General Qamar Javed Bajwa and his creation of GHQ (General Headquarters), Imran Khan.
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Personal fight poses threat to Pakistan
The problem with such personal attacks is that the top boss and his crew can become so upset that they are instigated to take control of the state. If Imran does not back down then it is the closest that Pakistan is in danger of martial law. General Bajwa is still the army chief who recently promoted 12 of his security personnel to lieutenant general. What is troubling is that GHQ has still not sent the names of potential candidates for the post of army chief to Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, less than a fortnight into Bajwa’s retirement. This leaves many wondering whether Bajwa is considering staying by force.
I am not sure that talking about martial law is anything beyond a tactic to intimidate PTI. Former President Pervez Musharraf was the only general to have imposed a state of emergency in 2007 despite being extremely unpopular, and we know it did not go down well for him. Gen Bajwa is also not a popular figure in his organisation, though sources tell me he has managed internal differences.
Bajwa’s men go to the homes of families who fear Imran more than they do. His sons and daughters socialize with a crowd that regards Imran as an icon. An entire generation can no longer get rid of the narrative of corruption and lack of accountability. Politicians are implicated and convicted and then freed, leading to a greater inclination towards mob justice. It is not that the leaders of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) have been proved corrupt in court. They are only considered corrupt by a population that believes they cannot be convicted because all institutions, including the judiciary, are compromised. love documentaries The Princess and the Playboy echo It’s hard to push further away in people’s minds.
Imran is probably aware that Bajwa is playing a game with him. And that is why he has continued down political corridors to ensure that top Army officials or the Prime Minister do not appoint a chief decisively against PTI. Surely, Imran’s choice is Lt Gen Faiz Hameed – a wish that may not come true. In such circumstances, PTI’s best bet is a general who will ensure ‘neutrality’, or not take sides. Next election. In a new twist, Imran seems to have dropped his bid to impress LikeWhich could mean that he is trying to tell the other generals that he is not just there for Hameed, but will also work with them if he gets a chance to return to power through elections.
army in pakistani politics
This brings me to the larger cause of my skepticism about decisively challenging the might of the military in Pakistan. Not all major political parties, or even significant elements of civil society, are interested in decisively excluding the military from politics – they are more interested in using it to their advantage. As one political scientist in Pakistan told me on condition of anonymity, the problem today is “you don’t know who’s sleeping with whom.” Thus, both the major parties fighting for the political soul of Punjab – PTI and PMLN – want a man who is either theirs or not inclined to the other side.
Only marginalized PPPs understand who comes on top, no matter what. But the PPP, along with the rest, is reluctant to create a structural mechanism to use the military. In theory everyone should have jumped on Imran’s idea.draw operating linesFor ISPR. Sadly, the parties have neither enough mutual trust nor institutional thinking to solve Pakistan’s biggest problem today – a distorted civil-military divide due to an uncontrolled armed force. Even civil society is divided on whether to condemn or support PTI supporters abusing the Army.
The long life of the army is also due to the parties not investing in their cadres or institutional systems and continuing to live by the politics of patronage. Even PTI does not have the developed experts and expertise to deal with many important issues. But the most important thing is that it is only about the politics of Central and North Punjab. It is disheartening to see the media neglecting the disappearance of civilians in Balochistan (even women and children), tribal areas and Sindh. Or the continued suffering of the people in South Punjab and Sindh, where after devastating floods, people are under attack from disease and deprivation. There are stories of resource crunch and mismanagement by local leaders that need to be told. Such separation undermines the public resolve to fight the military.
Imran’s back-on-the-road march may not be able to draw a huge crowd. Another assassination attempt is also unlikely, which also means he and the Sharif government will be left to fight a battle of nerves until the picture becomes clear.
Ayesha Siddiqa is a Senior Fellow in the Department of War Studies at King’s College, London. She is the author of Military Inc. She tweets to @iamthedrifter. Thoughts are personal.
(Edited by Zoya Bhatti)