But Yogi Apparently doesn’t care for such hoodoos. For example, he shunned the ‘Noida jinx’, which kept Akhilesh Yadav away when he was chief minister, flagging metro lines, to visit a city that has brought huge investments to UP several times in the past five years. , launching new airports and even personally presiding over the COVID management review.
He will pay close attention to how much is dependent on them once the BJP goes to war after the 2019 general elections. Five years ago, when Yogi – the then MP from Gorakhpur and the head priest of the Gorakhnath temple – was made chief minister, the decision surprised many even within the party. Today, he is the clear choice as the BJP’s chief ministerial candidate and the election is like a referendum on his performance.
Also the challenge is to emulate the show of 2017 when the BJP (along with ally Apna Dal-S and SBSP) won 325 of the 403 seats in the state assembly. It is looking for a similar performance this time for a clear psychological and numerical advantage before launching its campaign for a third consecutive term at the Center in 2024.
Be it PM Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, Minister and UP in-charge BJP President JP Nadda, BJP leaders are campaigning extensively in the state, mostly presenting the “good work” of Yogi government during the last five years. Huh. Speculation about UP’s leadership gradually calmed down in the wake of the second Covid wave last April and May, and Yogi’s biggest support came from Modi himself when he recently said “UP plus Yogi, Bahut Hai UPyogi” (Uttar Pradesh). Plus Yogi). of great utility). Onlookers, the Chief Minister draws his currency from the implementation of schemes at the grassroots, crackdown on mafia and criminals, even if controversially through ‘encounters’, and his clean image of himself. The CM has no allegation of nepotism, though at times he is accused of promoting upper caste Thakurs (Kshatriyas). However, the allegations have no merit as the top government officials, including the Chief Secretary and Additional Chief Secretary (Home), are Brahmins.
While the DGP comes from the Vaish community.
The central leadership also believes that Yogi’s performance in the implementation of central schemes like housing, toilets, free ration distribution and COVID-19 vaccination has been exemplary. Moreover, the chief minister’s regular emphasis on development of places of religious importance like Varanasi, Mathura and Ayodhya has drawn praise from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). remains a popular figure among the BJP cadre. And it is not limited to UP. BJP workers from almost every state have demanded his presence in the campaign for the assembly and Lok Sabha elections. His stand against crime and the land mafia and his instructions to display photographs of those who damaged public property during protests established his image as a tough leader, and one who relentlessly pursued the saffron agenda while meeting development goals. retained. expressways, for example).
The main challenger for Yogi is the man the BJP defeated in 2017 – Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav, who also has a point to prove. That he has completely come out of the shadow of his father Mulayam Singh Yadav and has come into his own after three consecutive election setbacks. After his unsuccessful experiment of forging an alliance with the big parties – Congress in 2017 and BSP in 2019 – he has roped in smaller caste outfits this time to formulate a winning formula on the foundation of his loyal Muslim Yadav vote bank. In the elections, when the BJP and its allies were less than 40%, the SP was reduced to 47 seats, the BSP (19 seats) and the Congress (7) their worst electoral performance in UP.
Akhilesh is trying to break the caste equation that gave BJP a massive victory this time. The SP has the support of the SBSP, which is headed by Om Prakash Rajbhari, in the east, and the RLD in the west, with the addition of a faction of Kurmi-dominated Apna Dal to expand its appeal non yadav He, along with his uncle Shivpal Yadav, has put up a fence on his party’s home ground to fix the rough edges.
The Congress, out of power for nearly 32 years, is trying to stay relevant in UP. Priyanka Gandhi VadraFor a long time, Congress’s trump card, now has complete control over the affairs of UP. with himpink manifesto’, she is trying to find a winning formula through women voters. If Congress significantly improves its position, Priyanka will establish herself as the leader of the party. Otherwise, the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in 2024 will be tough for the Congress.
The fate of Mayawati’s BSP has been falling since 2012. After 2017, 19 of its MLAs were dismissed or left the party. Most of them have gone to SP. While party general secretary Dr. Satish Chandra MishraMayawati, who is trying to revive the old caste formula of Dalit-Brahmin brotherhood, is surprisingly silent.
The Aam Aadmi Party has decided to go it alone after initial attempts at an alliance with the SP. With its promises of free electricity and employment, it is likely to impress a section of urban voters, but it is too early to become a major political force in UP. The All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) has announced to contest 100 seats. While the party is unlikely to attract overwhelming Muslim support as the community is desperate to put an end to its ‘irrelevance’, Muslims may back the strongest challenger to the BJP across the state.
With the election campaign centered on the Hindutva pitch and Modi-Yogi being its pioneers, the BJP will try to cover up the anti-incumbency wave with emotive issues. to hit Temple in Ayodhya and Kashi Dham Corridor in Varanasi. To deal with micro-level anti-incumbency, the party may replace a large number of sitting MLAs.
Whichever side the wind blows, the battle for India’s largest state will be an interesting battle as always.
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